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"Less well-known than jurisprudence is what the law professors Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres have termed 'demosprudence' — the idea that legal change does not flow exclusively from courts and other government actors, but..."

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"Less well-known than jurisprudence is what the law professors Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres have termed 'demosprudence' — the idea that legal change does not flow exclusively from courts and other government actors, but..." - Hallo friend WELCOME TO AMERICA, In the article you read this time with the title "Less well-known than jurisprudence is what the law professors Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres have termed 'demosprudence' — the idea that legal change does not flow exclusively from courts and other government actors, but...", we have prepared well for this article you read and download the information therein. hopefully fill posts Article AMERICA, Article CULTURAL, Article ECONOMIC, Article POLITICAL, Article SECURITY, Article SOCCER, Article SOCIAL, we write this you can understand. Well, happy reading.

Title : "Less well-known than jurisprudence is what the law professors Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres have termed 'demosprudence' — the idea that legal change does not flow exclusively from courts and other government actors, but..."
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"Less well-known than jurisprudence is what the law professors Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres have termed 'demosprudence' — the idea that legal change does not flow exclusively from courts and other government actors, but..."

"... may proceed from the mobilization of the people themselves. When Sotomayor switched gears and aimed her rhetoric at the public, she was planting the seeds for demosprudence, alerting the people to the imminent threat to abortion rights in the hopes that, hearing her alarm, we might mobilize. Not with a Jan. 6-style insurrection but with the sort of grass-roots energy that once fueled the civil rights movement and other progressive social causes. This could take many forms, such as enacting the congressional bill that would codify Roe’s protections, turning state legislatures blue so as to stanch the stream of increasingly restrictive abortion laws and building broader support for telemedicine and the distribution of pills that can induce abortion in a private setting. In a morning that offered little cause for optimism for those who favor reproductive freedom, Sotomayor’s subtle message was both pragmatic and — at least potentially — uplifting. The court will not save our rights. But maybe we can save them ourselves. "


There's no need to wait until the Court overrules Roe (i.e, Casey). 

Murray notes "the congressional bill" and links to "House passes bill to create statutory right to abortion as a battle over Texas law heats up" (from last September). There will only be bans on abortion if the democratic processes within government provide the relevant statutes — contrary to the delusion of those low-information citizens who think the fetus is about to acquire a constitutional right to life — and these democratic processes can just as well enact a statutory right to have an abortion. 

If we the people really want this right, we can get it. The Democrats have a lot of power now, and there should be pressure on them to use it, and you can see the House has already acted. We're told the President "strongly supports" the legislation. The trick is to get the bill through the Senate.
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"... may proceed from the mobilization of the people themselves. When Sotomayor switched gears and aimed her rhetoric at the public, she was planting the seeds for demosprudence, alerting the people to the imminent threat to abortion rights in the hopes that, hearing her alarm, we might mobilize. Not with a Jan. 6-style insurrection but with the sort of grass-roots energy that once fueled the civil rights movement and other progressive social causes. This could take many forms, such as enacting the congressional bill that would codify Roe’s protections, turning state legislatures blue so as to stanch the stream of increasingly restrictive abortion laws and building broader support for telemedicine and the distribution of pills that can induce abortion in a private setting. In a morning that offered little cause for optimism for those who favor reproductive freedom, Sotomayor’s subtle message was both pragmatic and — at least potentially — uplifting. The court will not save our rights. But maybe we can save them ourselves. "


There's no need to wait until the Court overrules Roe (i.e, Casey). 

Murray notes "the congressional bill" and links to "House passes bill to create statutory right to abortion as a battle over Texas law heats up" (from last September). There will only be bans on abortion if the democratic processes within government provide the relevant statutes — contrary to the delusion of those low-information citizens who think the fetus is about to acquire a constitutional right to life — and these democratic processes can just as well enact a statutory right to have an abortion. 

If we the people really want this right, we can get it. The Democrats have a lot of power now, and there should be pressure on them to use it, and you can see the House has already acted. We're told the President "strongly supports" the legislation. The trick is to get the bill through the Senate.


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You now read the article "Less well-known than jurisprudence is what the law professors Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres have termed 'demosprudence' — the idea that legal change does not flow exclusively from courts and other government actors, but..." with the link address https://welcometoamerican.blogspot.com/2021/12/less-well-known-than-jurisprudence-is.html

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